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    Middle East
     Nov 20, 2007
Page 2 of 2
Israel, the hope of the Muslim world
By Spengler

immediate relation to the collective. The citizens or tribesmen voted in person in full public assembly. Modern representative democracy requires something else. The individual citizen chooses not only a party and its platform, but also a personality, who has the freedom to act on behalf of the voters at variance with an existing platform. The voters do not simply trust the tribe or state; instead, they trust an individual and give that individual proxy powers. They must trust that the body of such



representatives will reach an agreement that takes into account their interest. Such a system simply cannot arise in a pagan culture, where conformity to the collective is a precondition of life.

Not for nothing did the founders of the American republic insist that its functioning was unimaginable without the Christian religion. The purely negative aspects of the American constitution, namely the balance of powers that protects minority interests, means nothing without transcendent trust in something higher than the elements that constitute the body politic. In pagan society there is family, clan, and state; there is no intermediate function of representation, because there is no transcendent trust. Pagans can have (and frequently do have) plebiscites or presidential elections that in a sense are real elections, but they never have a functioning parliamentary system.

As noted, there are non-Christian societies where parliamentary democracy flourishes, notably India. Hinduism is a subject from which I have steered clear, given the complexity of its history and variety of its practice. But the subject of humility is central to every manifestation of this religion, which honors the holiness of life to the point of forbidding the consumption of animals. Modern India, moreover, grew out of a centralized government established by the British, and received ready-made British laws and civil service, and with ease adopted the British model of parliamentary democracy. It was guided by leaders who lived as well as taught the Hindu concept of humility.

Japan is another exception. Buddhism in many forms teaches divine humility, but the Zen variety prevalent in Japan adapted itself well to the requirements of the samurai caste, which knew loyalty and submission, but not humility. After the suppression of feudal rights in 1868, Japan modernized without recourse to democracy. Only after its humiliation in World War II and the imposition of a democratic constitution by the American occupation did representative democracy come to Japan.

It is not clear whether Japanese culture will survive the great humiliation of 1945. As I observed elsewhere (They made a democracy and called it peace, Asia Times Online, March 8, 2005), the nuclear bombardment of Hiroshima and Nagasaki may have killed more than the few hundred thousand immediate casualties. It is possible that the attacks killed all the Japanese who ever lived, and all the Japanese who ever might live. In Japan’s feudal past, humiliation was too terrible to endure, and suicide the only response. Japan’s failure to reproduce may constitute a form of national suicide in response to national humiliation.

Admirers of the Jewish state praise it as an exemplar of democracy in the Middle East. Whether that is true or not is irrelevant to the concerns of the Muslims. Democracy is not a procedure that a country learns by example, like water management or road-building. It is adopted or not as an existential choice. For the Muslim world, what matters is not that Israel is a functioning democracy located in the Middle East, but rather that it is Israel that humbled the House of Islam.

Because success is central to Islam’s promise, and the restoration of the Jewish commonwealth in its historic territory along with its ancient capital seems to validate Jewish scripture rather than the Koran, Israel offers an existential challenge to the Muslim world. Muslims will never accept the permanent presence of Israel unless compelled. But the bad news in this case is the good news, for if the Muslim world were to accept Israel’s existence, the collective humiliation would be so profound as to force the concept of humility into Muslim political life. The best thing Western governments could do to foster democracy in the Muslim world, in fact, is to move their embassies to Jerusalem.

I noted elsewhere (It's easy for the Jews to talk about life, September 18, 2007) that the presence of the state of Israel has had a decisive impact on Christian evangelization, especially in Africa. African Christians, as Philip Jenkins reported in his recent book on the Bible in the Global South, take the Hebrew scriptures seriously. [2] The apparent validation of God’s promise to the descendants of Abraham gives them confidence that the New Testament’s promise to Christians will be valid as well. What fosters Christian faith, by the same token, introduces doubt into Muslim faith. The humility that goes hand in hand with doubt - conceding that one’s opponent might have a valid point - is what makes democracy possible in the first place.

Perhaps the Muslim world will respond to humiliation after the fashion of Japan. Iran’s fertility rate has already fallen below replacement, Prof Jenkins reported in the November 9 New Republic. Even if that is the outcome, it is better than the alternative, namely a violent explosion over the remainder of this century. Washington’s misguided effort to foster Islamic democracy might be the stupidest idea in the history of foreign policy. It began in the late 1970s with Jimmy Carter’s backing for the Ayatollah Khomeini against the Shah of Iran. It may end with simultaneous civil war in Iraq, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Turkey, Lebanon and the West Bank. If that occurs, think of Rwanda and multiply by a thousand.

Notes 1. See Franz Rosenzweig and the Abrahamic Religions . First Things (October 2007).

2. A new Jerusalem in sub-Saharan Africa Asia Times Online, December 12, 2006.

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